| A | B |
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| Multiple advocacy | George’s system in essences he suggest that the president’s should be able to learn set of techniques to follow in managing advisors and making decisions. Although recognizing that a given President may find this style uncongenial to his cognitive style and work habits. George said that the advantages would make it worthwhile for a president to consider. |
| Molly Andolina and Clyde Wilcox | These two individuals noted that Clinton often frustrated opponents by his ability to cut right or left depending on prevailing sentiments. They point out that in his second term he adeptly embraced issues that enjoyed popular support so even in the face of a Senate impeachment trial in February 19999, 69 percent of the respondents of Pew research Center survey liked Clinton’s politics. |
| Paul Quirk | He views that presidents require a minimal level of substantive familiarity so they can make intelligent choices among policy options. Moreover presidents need a degree of process sensibility that reflects familiarity with how government decisions are made and carried out as well as with how such systems might be best designed. Finally presidents need the capacity for policy promotion that means to achieve their goals through bargains with other Washington elites and through applies for broad public support. Presidents need a well designed strategy for how to succeed this is meant by strategic competence. This strategy involves decisions on how to allocate time, energy and talent in relation to mastering substantive issues, delegate tasks, and establishing the prerequisites for successful delegation---for example selecting personal. |
| Constitutional theory | Proponents like Taft argue that presidential power is strictly limited. According to this theory presidents have only those powers that are either enumerated in the constitution or granted by congress under its constitutional powers. As Taft put is Our Chief Magistrate and His powers. |
| Unitary executive | A concept not widely discussed outside the conservative Federalist Society before Bush took office. Supporters argue, that because the president alone possesses the executive power, the president must have absolute control over the executive branch and its administration, including the ability to control all subordinates and veto or nutllfy their exercise of discretionary executive power. Moreover the President must be able to fire any executive branch officials at will. This view of the Presidency holds that attempts by congress to limit the president’s removal power, even in the case of independent agencies, are improper, as are other oversight measures that interfere with executive branch functions. |
| Stewardship theory | Holds that president can do anything not explicitly forbidden by the constitutions or by laws passed by congress under its constitutional powers. Theodore embraced this view as president and explained in its autobiography. |
| Prerogative theory | John lock defined this concept in his second treaties of government as the power to act according to discretion for the public good, without the prescription of the law, and sometimes even against it. This theory not only allows presidents to do anything that is not forbidden but allows them to do things that are explicitly forbidden when in the national interest. Lincoln exercised this power at the onset of Civil War. |
| Richard Rose | He has dubbed this phenomenon going international as Rose puts it, presidents can no longer do their job simply by straying in the United Sates. “whereas Herbert Hoover spent only three days abroad in his term of the office and Franklin Roosevelt spent only nine days abroad in his first term, Richard Nixon spent fifty nine day abroad in his first four years in the office, and Jimmy Carter fifty six days. |
| Theodore Lowi | Argues that the expectations of the masses have grown faster than the capacity of the presidential government to meet them. According to Lowi modern presidents resort to illusions to cover failures and seek quick fixes for their flagging public support in foreign adventures. |
| Bruce Buchanan | Bruce Buchanan refers to the presidential culture, widely held meaning of the presidency, derived from selected episodes in the history of the institution and transmitted from one generation to the next by political socialization. He explained that families, teaches, and the media sustain this view of the presidency as an office with the ability to deliver the nation from danger as a result of its occupants. Somehow it is widely believed that institutions have the potential to make extraordinary events happen. And the incumbent should be able to realize that potential. Occupants of the position then are expected to live up to these levels of performance and are roundly criticized when they fall short. |
| Barbara Hinckley | Points out that symbols evoke ideas that society wants to believe are true. She argues that because the Constitution has failed to clarify the presidency’s nature and responsibilities, symbols have become enormously significant. The office is undefined thus presidents become what people want them to be. And the people want them to be many things. |
| Decay curve | Job approval ratings almost always decline as their administration progresses. According to Paul and Barbra this is called decay curve. The decay that most presidents experience in their approval ratings can be attributed to the deflation of unrealistic high expectations to perform. The curve bottoms out near the thirtieth mouth of an initial term. Brace and Hinckley suggest that this decay normally occurs irrespective of the economy, the president, or outside events. |
| Samuel Kernell | He argues that going public issue campaign like appeals for citizen’s support rather than the traditional strategy of bargaining with other elites had become the key to presidential success in the modern era. He and others suggest that the rise of cable TV made traditional network appeals more difficult. This meant that presidents were losing their audiences because of alternate programming. The interest has become the official way to communicate with the president. |
| Political availability | The informal requirements for the presidency are less easily satisfies. People who entertain presidential ambitions. The political experiences and personal characteristics that make them attractive to political activists and to the general voting public. One method to determine what particular political experiences and personal characteristics put an individual in line for a nomination is to look at past candidates. |
| Edward Pessen | He contradicts the long cabinet myth. And demonstrates that the political race here as elsewhere has usually been eon by those who had the advantages of starting from a favorable position. He characterized the family background of each president through Regan in terms of six basic groupings. Upper-upper, lower-upper, upper-middle, and lower-middle, upper-lower, and lower-lower. He compared the presidents background with their economic and social conditions that existed at the time. Although the presidents come from different diverse backgrounds, those with upper origins have been the most prevalent. And most others were drawn from prosperous and socially respected backgrounds. |
| Short term and long term influences on voting behavior | Long term influences include partisanship, group memberships, while issues candidate image, and campaign independents are short term. Short term influences include the public focuses a great deal of attention on the candidate’s personality and character traits. Each campaign organization therefore strives to create a composite image of its candidate’s most attractive features. To do this though sometimes means transforming liabilities into assets; age becomes mature judgment (Eisenhower) youth becomes vigor (Kennedy). |
| James McGregor Burns | Discussion of leadership emphasizes similar abilities as the source of transformational leadership by which president’s appeal to the higher goals and motives of followers to achieve true change. |
| Stephen Skowronek | Comparison of presidents in decidedly different time frames. Thus Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Lincoln, Franklin and Regan shared common leadership tasks associated with the decline and reconstruction of the links among social interest and the political parties essential to a political order. |
| Richard Neustadt | Electing an experienced Politian to the presidency. The presidency is not place for amateurs. Experience enhances the presidents self confidence, which in turn makes it easier for them to make the choices about power that are crtical to success. Yet the quality of the experience may count more than the quaintly as admission. He made this statement after Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon as two highly experienced presidents. He concluded by say that the variety of experience is such that none of it can be applied predicatively with confidence. |
| Fred Greenstein | He suggests that president’s job performance is shaped by six qualities. Proficiency as a public communicator; organizational capacity to rally colleagues and structure activists; political skill insofar as it is linked to a vision of public policy; cognitive style in processing advice and information; and emotional intelligence, by which he means the ability to manage one’s own emotions for constructive purposes. |
